<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><?xml-stylesheet href="/rss/style/InterScienceRSS.xsl" type="text/xsl"?><rdf:RDF xmlns:rdf="http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#" xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" xmlns:entity="http://wiley.com/wispers/transformer/character-entity-translation" xmlns:html="http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-transitional.dtd" xmlns:prism="http://prismstandard.org/namespaces/1.2/basic/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/"><channel rdf:about="http://www3.interscience.wiley.com/rss/journal/118491832"><title>History Compass</title><description>Wiley InterScience : History Compass</description><link>http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2F14780542</link><dc:publisher>John Wiley &amp; Sons, Inc</dc:publisher><dc:language>en</dc:language><dc:rights>© 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd</dc:rights><dc:date>2009-11-20</dc:date><prism:issn>1478-0542</prism:issn><prism:eIssn>1478-0542</prism:eIssn><image rdf:resource="http://www3.interscience.wiley.com/homepages/118491832/_private/coverimage.gif"/><items><rdf:Seq><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00656.x"/><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00655.x"/><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00654.x"/><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00651.x"/><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00641.x"/><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00636.x"/><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00637.x"/><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00642.x"/><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00640.x"/><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00647.x"/><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00649.x"/><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00652.x"/><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00629.x"/><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00639.x"/><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00650.x"/><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00644.x"/><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00645.x"/><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00648.x"/><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00625.x"/><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00638.x"/><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00643.x"/></rdf:Seq></items></channel><item rdf:about="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00656.x"><title>The Devolution of Peru's Sendero Luminoso: From Hybrid Maoists to Narco-Traffickers?</title><link>http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00656.x</link><dc:creator>Daniel M. Masterson</dc:creator><dc:date>2009-11-18T10:40:00Z</dc:date><dc:identifier>10.1111/j.1478-0542.2009.00656.x</dc:identifier><dc:rights>© 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd</dc:rights><dc:publisher>John Wiley &amp; Sons, Inc.</dc:publisher><description>This History Compass article examines the ideological transformation of Peru's Sendero Luminoso insurgency from its immediate origins in the 1960s in the remote province of Ayacucho to its devolution to small armed bands of drug traffickers in the nation's remote central Andean regions. Originally, Sendero claimed allegiance to the peasant-based Marxism of José Carlos Mariátegui, the founder of Peru's Socialist Party. In reality, however, much of its ideology and revolutionary strategy was based on Maoist theory. As, Sendero's Maoism was largely based on its leader's experience in China in the mid-1960s, the party felt compelled to rabidly defend 'orthodox' Maoism as China moved away this ideology in the late 1970s. Maoism with a Peruvian radical stamp, nevertheless, failed to win over the peasantry in the 1980s. Sendero's leadership then violated basic Maoist strategy and began an urban terror campaign which exposed its leadership to eventual capture in late 1992. Since then, Sendero has survived only as a force fortified by drug revenues and isolated by rugged mountain terrain. We can only speculate about its future. But an estimated 66,000 deaths caused by its insurgency are stark evidence of its destructive potential.</description></item><item rdf:about="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00655.x"><title>Political Culture in the 1590s: The 'Second Reign of Elizabeth'</title><link>http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00655.x</link><dc:creator>Alexandra Gajda</dc:creator><dc:date>2009-11-18T10:40:00Z</dc:date><dc:identifier>10.1111/j.1478-0542.2009.00655.x</dc:identifier><dc:rights>© 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd</dc:rights><dc:publisher>John Wiley &amp; Sons, Inc.</dc:publisher><description>In the mid-1990s, John Guy argued that Elizabethan political culture was transformed in the late 1580s, as the regime increasingly endorsed authoritarian definitions of monarchical power. This article reconsiders the foundations of Guy's hypothesis, analysing some of the key political and intellectual and literary contexts that conditioned the expression of political ideas in the final years of Elizabethan England.</description></item><item rdf:about="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00654.x"><title>Victimhood Nationalism and History Reconciliation in East Asia</title><link>http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00654.x</link><dc:creator>Jie-Hyun Lim</dc:creator><dc:date>2009-11-18T10:39:00Z</dc:date><dc:identifier>10.1111/j.1478-0542.2009.00654.x</dc:identifier><dc:rights>© 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd</dc:rights><dc:publisher>John Wiley &amp; Sons, Inc.</dc:publisher><description>'Victimhood nationalism' is a working hypothesis to explicate competing national memories over the historical position of victims in coming to terms with the pasts. Once put into the dichotomy of victimizers and victims in national terms, the victimhood becomes hereditary and thus consolidates the national solidarity beyond generations. Without a reflection on the victimhood nationalism, the postwar Vergangenheitsbewäeltigung cannot be properly grasped. Victimhood nationalism is intrinsically transnational as victims are unthinkable without victimizers. The transnationality of victimhood nationalism demands a histoire croisée to comprehend the entangled past of the victimized and victimizers. A transnational history of 'coming to terms with past' would show that the vicious circle of victimhood nationalisms, based on the antagonistic complicity of nationalisms between the victimizers and victims, has been a rock to any historical reconciliation effort. Focused on East Asia this essay is a part of the plan to write a transnational history of the victimhood nationalism in Korea, Poland and Israel with Japan and Germany as counterparts.</description></item><item rdf:about="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00651.x"><title>Medieval Sicily and Southern Italy in Recent Historiographical Perspective</title><link>http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00651.x</link><dc:creator>Sarah C. Davis-Secord</dc:creator><dc:date>2009-11-18T10:39:00Z</dc:date><dc:identifier>10.1111/j.1478-0542.2009.00651.x</dc:identifier><dc:rights>© 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd</dc:rights><dc:publisher>John Wiley &amp; Sons, Inc.</dc:publisher><description>Sicily and southern Italy during the Middle Ages have been a neglected area of study for many years, primarily due to the general belief that the area fell into decline after the 'fall' of Rome. Recently, however, there has been growing interest in the Muslims of medieval Sicily and Italy, as well as the Jewish and Greek populations that lived under Latin Christian rule for many centuries. There has also been a rise in scholarship on the medieval Mediterranean region as a whole, which has caused a re-evaluation not only of the role and importance of the Mediterranean world, but also of how the medieval European system worked, how Latin Christendom related to the Muslim states on its southern borders, and what roles Muslim cultures and settlements played in the development of Italy's society.</description></item><item rdf:about="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00641.x"><title>Home, Colonial and Foreign: Europe, Empire and the History of Migration in 20th-century Britain</title><link>http://dx.doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1478-0542.2009.00641.x</link><dc:creator>Wendy Webster</dc:creator><dc:date>2009-11-18T10:39:00Z</dc:date><dc:identifier>10.1111/j.1478-0542.2009.00641.x</dc:identifier><dc:rights>© 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd</dc:rights><dc:publisher>John Wiley &amp; Sons, Inc.</dc:publisher><description>This essay reviews the increasingly rich recent literature on 20th-century transnational movements from empire and Europe to Britain and in the opposite directions, particularly on migration. It suggests that this work offers a way of thinking about British-empire and British-European relations [ndash] themes that have been comparatively neglected in 20th-century social and cultural history, especially in the period of decolonisation. While much of the literature on migration treats empire and Europe separately, as well as immigration and emigration, the essay makes connections between them, looking at changing British perceptions of Europe and the world beyond Europe: of home, colonial and foreign. It argues that the second half of the century saw an increasing erosion of distinctions between 'colonial' and 'foreign' and a reorientation of British world views towards Europe that owed little to its membership of the EU.</description></item></rdf:RDF>